Maggie Alarcón

Archive for the ‘Venezuela’ Category

Venezuela “almagrada”

In OAS/OEA, Politics, Venezuela on April 28, 2017 at 10:51 am

almagro

Por Ricardo Alarcón de Quesada

 

Según el Diccionario de la Lengua Española el vocablo “almagrar” equivale a “infamar” y en tiempos remotos aludía “entre rufianes y valentones” a “herir o lastimar de suerte que corra sangre.”

Es obvio que el actual Secretario General de la OEA, cabecilla de una institución de tan ingrata memoria en la historia continental, parece convencido de que es posible regresar al pasado y revivir los fueros perdidos. Guarda extraño apego al ya desusado sentido de su nombre. En su delirante empeño lo acompaña una banda de caínes dispuestos a hacer lo que ordene el Imperio que inventó la OEA y la ha empleado siempre como herramienta favorita. Un Imperio que, para colmo, está ahora en manos de la más descocada arrogancia.

Se valen de la colosal maquinaria para engañar y denigrar que se hace llamar “medios de comunicación” aunque no son otra cosa que instrumentos para mantener la dominación sobre nuestros pueblos.

Es así como silencian los desmanes que contra el pueblo cometen día y noche sus pandillas tarifadas al tiempo que calumnian y promueven el odio contra el gobierno del Presidente Nicolás Maduro, el obrero que fue elegido democráticamente por los venezolanos.

Hace más de medio siglo intentaron hacer lo mismo contra Cuba y fracasaron estrepitosamente.

Ahora serán derrotados otra vez. No podrán contra el noble pueblo de Bolívar y Chávez que resiste y lucha para salvar la obra revolucionaria que dio a millones, por primera vez, educación, salud, vivienda y empleo y rescató para siempre la dignidad nacional.

Pero ese pueblo sufre una agresión criminal que lo hiere y hace sangrar. Cruzarnos de brazos sería indecente. No vivimos en el Medioevo. América Latina y el Caribe tienen que rebelarse contra la infamia. Es la hora de “desalmagrar.”

Tomado de Por Esto!

We are all Diosdado

In Politics, US, Venezuela on June 2, 2015 at 1:10 pm

by Ricardo Alarcón de Quesada

Issued on March 9, President Obama’s Executive Order tagging Venezuela as “an unusual and extraordinary threat to the US national security” and declaring “a national emergency to deal with this threat” caused justified alarm and widespread rejection throughout the Continent and beyond. It was not the first time that Washington used a language as arrogant as it is irrational. History is brimming with examples of how the Empire has made use of such accusations to launch military attacks and break international law in various ways. They used similar words to justify their brutal armed invasions of Panama and the tiny island of Granada, among other outrageous acts which crushed defenseless populations and brought death and destruction to nations stripped of their independence as a result.

Despite worldwide disapproval, the number of media campaigns against Venezuela has increased since then through a US-led propaganda apparatus that is now especially concentrating its attacks on the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela’s National Assembly President Diosdado Cabello. They are accusing him of being linked to international drug trafficking, a slanderous and yet unproved charge rapidly echoed by hundreds of newspapers and other media from all over the world.

Who is Diosdado Cabello and why is he under attack?

Ever since he was a young officer, he joined Hugo Chavez in the struggle against the abuse and corruption that marked the Fourth Republic and after that, in the peaceful transformation conducted by the Bolivarian Revolution. He played a key role in the popular movement of resistance that thwarted the fascist coup in 2002 and returned Chavez back being head of State for which he had been democratically-elected by most Venezuelans.

In a clumsy maneuver to divide Chavismo, and following Chavez’s unfortunate death, the same hardcore right-wingers who are now vilifying him tried to make him President of the Republic, but he adamantly refused. Diosdado Cabello gave a remarkable example of revolutionary firmness and spirit of unity, proving that he is moved by flattery no more than he is by threats.

Neither the conservative right nor imperialism forgives his attitude, as it embodies the will of a people bent on remaining independent and sovereign. To defend Diosdado Cabello is to defend Venezuela, it is to pay back the great excusable debt of  solidarity to all of Latin America. Because we are all Diosdado!


A CubaNews translation. Edited by Walter Lippmann.
http://www.walterlippmann.com/docs4382.html

Diosdado somos todos

In Politics, US, Venezuela on May 29, 2015 at 12:42 pm

Ricardo Alarcón de Quesada

 

La Orden Ejecutiva del Presidente Obama definiendo a Venezuela como “una inusual y extraordinaria amenaza a la seguridad nacional de los Estados Unidos” y declarando “una emergencia nacional para tratar con esta amenaza” el pasado 9 de marzo provocó la alarma justificada y el rechazo unánime en todo el Continente y más allá. No era la primera vez que Washington empleaba un lenguaje tan arrogante como irracional. La historia está repleta de agresiones militares y otras violaciones al derecho internacional cometidas por el Imperio valiéndose de semejante formulación. Con esas palabras justificaron brutales invasiones armadas contra Panamá y la diminuta isla de Granada entre otros atropellos con los que aplastaron pueblos inermes y causaron muerte y destrucción en naciones que fueron despojadas de su independencia.

Pese a la desaprobación universal, desde esa fecha se ha intensificado la campaña mediática contra Venezuela. El aparato propagandístico dirigido por Estados Unidos concentra ahora sus ataques especialmente contra Diosdado Cabello, Presidente de la Asamblea Nacional de la República Bolivariana de Venezuela a quien acusan calumniosamente de vínculos con el narcotráfico internacional. Sin presentar prueba alguna el infundio es repetido rápidamente por centenares de periódicos y otros medios de comunicación en todo el mundo.

¿Quién es Diosdado Cabello y por qué lo atacan?

Unido a Hugo Chávez desde que era un joven oficial lo acompañó en su lucha contra los desmanes y la corrupción de la Cuarta República y después en la obra transformadora y pacífica de la Revolución Bolivariana. Fue pieza clave en la resistencia popular que en 2002 derrotó al golpe fascista y reinstauró a Chávez en la jefatura del Estado para la que había sido elegido democráticamente con el voto de la mayoría de los venezolanos.

Cuando se produjo la desgraciada desaparición física de Chávez y la misma derecha ultramontana que ahora lo denigra quiso, en una torpe maniobra para dividir al chavismo, que Diosdado asumiera la Presidencia de la República encontró en él el rechazo más vigoroso. Diosdado Cabello dio un ejemplo extraordinario de firmeza revolucionaria y espíritu unitario. Demostró que no lo doblegan las lisonjas ni las amenazas.

La derecha reaccionaria y el imperialismo no le perdonaron una conducta que lo hace hoy sintetizar la voluntad de un pueblo dispuesto a preservar la independencia y la soberanía. Defender a Diosdado Cabello es defender a Venezuela, es cumplir un deber de solidaridad inexcusable para todo latinoamericano. Porque Diosdado somos todos.

Conspicuous Isolation

In Politics, US, Venezuela on April 12, 2013 at 12:21 pm

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By Tom Hayden 

Venezuelans are expected to elect Nicholas Maduro, an ally and foreign minister of Hugo Chavez, in national elections this Sunday, preserving for now – “por ahora” – the Chavez legacy. Venezuela’s program of “21st century socialism” will continue, as will its project of integrating Latin America into a progressive power bloc, even an “OPEC of natural resources” in an increasingly multipolar world.

Most importantly, the Chavez legacy will continue to live on in the misiones, or social services projects, invested to alleviate hopeless poverty. One, Barrio Adentro, involves 67 local clinics offering medical treatment to 15 million people. Poverty under Chavez was reduced by half. Food subsidies supported half the population. Literacy has been increased significantly. Cooperatives have received credit and technical support. High-school dropouts have taken night courses and obtained subsidies to new universities. Community-based councils have empowered the poor in a kind of participatory democracy never before seen.

Assuming Maduro wins, Cuba also will continue to receive 95,000 barrels of Venezuelan oil every day, while Cuba deploys 20,000 medical personnel to work in community centers.

Yet a deep US hostility to Venezuela persists, not only from the State Department but from nearly all mainstream journalists and academics. Offended by Chavez’s strident anti-imperialism and his cult of personality, the critics typically see an incipient dictatorship and downplay the repeated electoral victories Chavez was able to amass for more than a decade. The critics are not wrong in all their charges, but seem stubbornly devoted to regime change rather than productive peaceful coexistence, leading to the spiral of tensions.

The US conflict with Chavez suggests that American foreign policy is influenced by sharply divided elites. The first has been represented by Barack Obama’s periodic gestures toward direct diplomacy with adversaries, as when he and Chavez shook hands in a famous photograph at the 2009 Summit of the Americas in Trinidad. According to eyewitnesses present, Obama said words to the effect of “I need time” in their brief hallway conversation – having significantly waived off his American handler. Maduro was present with Chavez in that spontaneous encounter, and both were very encouraged. But immediately thereafter, Jeffrey Davidow, the veteran State Department official in charge of the proceedings, threw cold water on the amicable opening by slamming Chavez for seeking a photo-op.

As Obama turned his attention to Iraq, Afghanistan and the Middle East, decisions returned to the old Cold Warriors at State and the Pentagon. The next disastrous incident came during the September 2009 Honduras coup against elected president Manuel Zelaya, which Obama at first called by its right name – a coup – then was forced into an embarrassing retraction, leaving Hondurans living under the new Lobo regime which most Hondurans considered illegitimate. A main purpose of the US-supported Honduras’ coup was to prevent “another Venezuela” in the region.

As recently as five months ago, secret talks were taking place between the State Department and Nicholas Maduro, aimed at putting the bilateral relationship on a better footing. Then in December in Miami, Obama gave a speech containing no reference to Chavez’s health crisis but criticizing Venezuelan “authoritarianism.” An angry Maduro called off the talks. Weeks later, former US Congressman William Delahunt (D-MA), often a contact with the Venezuelans, tried to explain the president’s speech as merely “reading talking points” prepared by his staff.

Finally, when heads of state from Latin America and around the world were gathering in Caracas for the Chavez funeral, Obama could only dispatch Delahunt and Rep. Gregory Meeks (D-NY), not vice-president Joseph Biden or Secretary of State John Kerry. Obama also released a statement expressing hope for a “constructive” relationship with Venezuela based on human rights, the rule of law, and democracy promotion, a clear criticism of the president who lay in state.

While the fallen body of Hugo Chavez was given love and respect by the region’s leaders, the US government remained conspicuously isolated. Notably present at the funeral were Cuba’s leaders, presumably blocked from receiving any official US regards during the occasion. On Cuba, American strategy seems to rest on the premise that “regime change” will occur only after the funerals of 82-year old Raul and 86-year old Fidel Castro.